ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ አማካሪ ማብዛት ምን ይፈይድላቸዋል?
ብስራት ወ/ሚካኤል
የሟቹ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቶ መለስ ዜናዊ ግብዓተ መሬት ከተፈፀመ በኋላ በእግራቸው የተተኩት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቶ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ የሀገሪቱን የስልጣን መሪ እየዘወሩ ይገኛሉ፡፡ ምንመ እንኳ በህግ ሙሉ ስልጣን የተሰጣቸው ቢሆንም በፓርቲያቸው ይሁን አሊያም በራሳቸው ፈቃድ የስልጣናቸውን ከህግ አግባብ ውጭ እየሸረሸሩት የሚገኙ ይመስላል፡፡ ለዚህም መንበረ ስልጣናቸውን በይፋ ከተረከቡ በኋላ የብአዴኑን አቶ ደመቀ መኮንንን በምክትል ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርነት ሾመው አፀድቀዋል፡፡ በመቀጠልም በትናው የመንግስት መዋቅርና በየትኛው የህግ አግባብ እንደሆነ እስካሁን ባይታወቅም በምክትል ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትርነት ማዕረግ በሚል የኦህዴዱን አቶ ሙክታር ከደርን የመልካም አስተዳደርና የሲቭል ሰርቪስ እንዲሁም የህወሓቱን ዶ/ር ደብረፅዮን ገ/ሚካኤልን የፋይናንስና ኢኮኖሚ ክላስተር አስተባባሪ አድርገው ሾመዋቸዋል፡፡
በዚህም ምክንያት ከአቶ መለስ ሞት በኋላ የኢህአዴግ ዋነኞቹ አራቱ ድርጅቶች መካከል ከደቡብ ደኢህዴን ሊቀመንበር አቶ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ፣ ከአማራው ብአዴን ሊቀመንበር አቶ ደመቀ መኮንን፣ ከኦሮሞው ኦህዴድ ምክትል ሊቀመንበር አቶ ሙክታር ከድር እና ከህወሓት ምክትል ሊቀመንበር ዶ/ር ደብረፅዮን ገ/ሚካኤል የስልጣን መዘውሩን ይዘውታል፡፡ ይህ የሚያሳየው የስልጣን ቅርምቱ በኮታ እንደሆነ እና በመካከላቸው የስልጣን ሽኩቻ እንዳለ፤ አቶ ኃይለማርምም በህግ በተሰጣቸው ስልጣን መሰረት የመወሰን አቅማቸው የመነመነ መሆኑን ነው፡፡ ሌሎች አጋር ተብለው የሚጠሩት የሶማሌ፣ የአፋር፣ የሐረሪ፣ የቤኒሻንጉልና የጋምቤላ ፓርቲ ተወካዮችን ጨምሮ የድሬዳዋና የአዲስ አበባ ከተማ መስተዳደሮች ከታች ሆነው ትዕዛዝ ለመቀበልና ለማስፈፀም ብቻ ዝግጁ እንዲሆኑ በተጠንቀቅ ላይ ጠብቁ የተባሉ ይመስላሉ፡፡
አቶ መለስ በህይወት ባሉ ሰዓት ብቻቸውን የስልጣን ማማው ላይ ሲጋልቡ ከሚኒስትሮች በተጨማሪ በሚኒስትርነት ማዕረግ አማካሪዎች እና ዳይሬክተሮችን ሾመው ነበር፡፡ያኔ በሚኒስትርነት ማዕረግ አማካሪ አድርገው ከሾሟቸው መካከል ዶ/ር ፋሲል ናሆም ህግ፣ አቶ ንዋይ ገ/አብ የኢኮኖሚ፣ አቶ ሬድዋን ሁሴን የማኀበራዊ፣አቶ አርከበ እቁባይ የኢኮኖሚና ትራንስፎርሜሽን እና ፕሮፌሰር አንድርያስ እሸቴ ተጠቃሾች ናቸው፡፡ ምንም እንኳ ሁሉን ነገር በራሳቸው ፍላጎት እና አካሄድ ከመከወን በቀር ሰውየው ምክር ይቀበላሉ ተብሎ ባይታመንም፡፡
በአሁን ሰዓት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አቶ ኃይለማርም ደሳለኝ አማካሪ አድርገው ከሾሟቸው መካከል አቶ በረከት ስምዖን፣ አቶ ኩማ ደመቅሳ እና በአዲስ መልክ እንደተቋቋመ የሚነገርለት የፕላንና ኮሚሽን ሚኒስትር አቶ መኮንን ማንያዘዋል አዳዲሶቹ ናቸው፡፡ ከዚህ በተጨማሪ የቀድሞዎቹ አቶ ፀጋዬ በርሄ(የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ደህንነት አማካሪ)፣ አቶ አባይ ፀሐዬ (የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ልዩ አማካሪ)፣ ዶ/ር ፋሲል ናሆም(የህግ ጉዳይ አማካሪ)፣፣ አቶ ንዋይ ገ/አብ(የኢኮኖሞ ጉዳይ አማካሪ)፣ አቶ አርከበ እቁባይ(የኢኮኖሚ ትራንስፎርሜሽን አማካሪ)፣ ፕሮፌሰር አንድርያስ እሸቴ(እስካሁን የስራ ድርሻቸው አይታወቅም፤ግን አማካሪ) በይፋ ተነስተዋል እስካልተባሉ ድረስ አሁንም አማካሪዎቻቸው ናቸው፡፡
ምንም እንኳ አቶ ሬድዋን ከአማካሪነት ተነስተው በአቶ በረከት ስምዖን ቦታ መንግስት ኮሚኒኬሽን ጉዳዮች ጽ/ቤት ሚኒስትር ተደርገው ቢሾሙም አቶ በረከት ደግሞ የጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ አማካሪ ተደርገው ተሸመዋል፡፡
በዚህም መሰረት አቶ ኃለማርም ደሳለኝ 3 ምክትሎች ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሮችን እና 7 አማካሪዎችን በብዛት በመሾም ሪከርድ እየሰበሩ ይገኛሉ፡፡ አመራራቸውም በአቶ ኃይለማርያም በበላይነት ሳይሆን በቡድን እየተከናወነ መሆኑን አመላካች ነገሮች ይጠቁሟሉ፡፡ ይህ ብቻ ሳይሆን የአማካሪዎቻቸው ብዛት ምናልባትም ከምክር ይልቅ ከፍርሃት ስነ ልቦና ጫና አሊያም ፓርቲው በብቃትና በአግባቡ ይመራሉ የሚል እምነት አጥቶባቸው በአስገዳጅ ሁኔታም ሊሆን እንደሚችል ይገመታል፡፡ ስለዚህ ከአቶ ኃይለማርም ፖለቲካ አስተላለፍ ለውጥ (political reformation) ይኖራል ተብሎ አይጠበቅም፡፡ ስለሆነም እስካሁን ከቀድሞው ሟቹ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር በአሰራር ላይ ተጨባጭ ለውጥ ማየት አልተቻለም፤ በአንድ ጀምበር ለውጥ ይመጣል ተብሎ ባጠበቅም፡፡
በርግጥ የአማካሪ መኖርና ምክርንም በአግባቡ አመዛዝኖ የሚጠቅመውን ተቀብሎ ስራ ላይ ማዋል ጥሩ ቢሆንም ከብዛታቸው አንፃር በስነ ልቦና አሉታዊ ተፅዕኖ መፍጠሩ ግን አያጠያይቅም፡፡ በተለይ በአሁን ወቅት ኢትዮጵያ ካሉባት በርካታ ውስብስብ ችግሮች አንፃር የፖለቲካ አስተላለፍ ለውጥን ጨምሮ የፖሊስ አሊያም የስርዓት ለውጥ ካልመጣ በአማካሪ ብዛት ብቻ ወደ ተሸለ ደረጃ መሄድ አስቸጋሪ ነው፡፡ ምክንያቱም አብዛኞቹ ፖለቲካ፣ የመኀበራዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ችግሮች መንስኤው ስርዓቱ በመሆኑ፡፡
ምናልባት አቶ ኃይለማርያም ችግሮችን ለመቅረፍ የማኀበራዊና ኢኮኖሚ ማሻሻያ ለውጥ ላድርግ ቢሉ በኢህአዴግ አሰራር የፓርቲው የፖለቲካ ለውጥ ያስፈልጋል፡፡ ይህን ለማድረግ ደግሞ የውሳኔ ሰጭው የበላይ አካል የፖለቲካ ቁርጠኝነትና ዝግጁነት ይጠይቃል፡፡ ለዚህ ደግሞ ኢህዴግም ሆነ መሪው አቶ ኃይለማርያም እንደማያደርጉት አስቀድመው ስለተናገሩ ከፓርቲው መፍረክረክ በስተቀር አሁን ባለው ሂደት የባሰ ካልሆነ የተሻለ ለውጥ ሊኖር አይችልም፡፡
ከዶ/ር ፋሲል ናሆም በስተቀር አማካሪዎቻቸውም ሆኑ ምክትሎቻቸው ከሙያ ብቃትና ልምድ ይልቅ በፖለቲካ ወገንተኝነት የተሰበሰቡ አጀቦች በመሆናቸው ይሄ ነው ሚባል የተለየ መልካም ነገር እንዳይጠበቅ ከማድረጋቸው በተጨማሪ በሀገሪቱ ላይ አሉታዊ ተፅዕኖ ሊፈጥር ይችላል፡፡ ምክንያቱም ሁሉም ከአንድ የአብዮታዊ ዴሞክራሲ የፖለቲካ ወንዝ የተቀዱ ናቸውና፡፡ ለውጥ እንዲመጣ ከተፈለ ደግሞ የራሱ የኢህአዴግ አባላት (ተገደው ለስራ ቅጥርና ለማዳበሪያ አባል የሆኑትን ሳይጨምር) የሀገሪቱን ነባራዊና ዓለም አቀፍ ሁኔታዎችን በማጤን የመሻሻያ ለውጥ እንዲደረግ ደፍረው መጠየቅ ከቻሉ የበላይ አመራሮቹ እንዲነቁ ሊያደርጉ ይችላሉ፡፡ አለበለዚያ አመራሮቹ በተናጥል ከኢህአዴግ አባልነት እራሳቸውን እያገለሉ አሊያም ለበላዮቹ ፍፁም ተገዥ በመሆን እንዲቀጥሉ ቢፈቅዱ “ከኑግ ያለህ ሰሊጥ አብረህ ተወቀጥ” አይነት ሊገጥማቸው ይችላል፡፡
ስለዚህ አሁን ያለውን የአቶ ኃይለማርያምን አስተዳደር ወደ ተሸለና ቀና ጎዳና ለመውሰድ የኢህአዴግ የፖለቲካ ለውጥ (political reformation) ያስፈልጋል፡፡ እዚህ ላይ የተፎካካሪ ፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎችም ሆነ የህዝቡ የነቃ ተሳትፎ የራሱ ድርሻ ይኖረዋል፡፡
አሁን ባለው ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ ኢህአዴግ በሟቹ አቶ መለስ ጥላና መንፈስ ካልሆነ በስተቀር አይቻልም የተባለ ይመስል አመራሮቹ ተረጋግተው ለመምራት የተዘጋጁ አይመስሉም፡፡ ምክንያቱም ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ለውሳኔ በሚቸገሩበት ሁኔታ ምክትልና አማካሪ ማብዛታቸው የስነ ልቦና ጫና ሊፈጥርባቸው ይችላል፡፡ እስካሁን ከሚታየው ሁኔታ እንኳ ተነስተን የነገውን ካሰብን የአቶ ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ ምክትሎች፣ አማካሪዎችን በሚኒስትርነት ማዕረግ ሹመት በእስካሁኑ የሚያበቃ አይመስልም፡፡
የሹመት አሰጣጣቸውም በህዝብ ዘንድ ተቀባይነት እና የመሪነትም ሆነ የሚያ ብቃትን መሰረት ከማድረግ ይልቅ አንችም እንዳይከፋሽ፣ከጠበሉ ቅመሽ ይይነት ነገር ነው፡፡ ይሄ ደግሞ ነገ ከራሳቸው ከኢህአዴግ አልፎ በሀገሪቱ ላይ የሚያመጣው መዘዝ ቀላል ነው አይባልም፡፡ ምክንያቱም መሪ ስልጣንን ከሀገርና ከህዝብ ጥቅም አስቀድሞ ግላዊና ቡድናዊ አስተሳሰብ ውስጥ ከተዘፈቀ ቀጣዩ ሂደት የስልጣን ሹክቻ ይሆናልና፣ ቢረጋጉ ሳይሻል አይቀርም፡፡
የህዝብን ጥያቄ ማጣጣል የሚያመጣው መዘዝ
ቴዎድሮስ ባልቻ
በዓለም ላይ ህዝባዊ መሰረት የሌላቸው መሪዎች ሁልጊዜ ዜጎቻቸውን እንደሚጨቁኑ ይታወቃል፡፡ እነኚህ ወደስልጣን ሲመጡ የነፃ አስተዳደር ስርዓትን ለማስፈን በውስጣቸው ያለው አምባገነንነታቸው ስለሚጫናቸውና በህዝብ ላይ የፈፀሙት በደል ሲኖር ሁልጊዜ የሚመሩትን ህዝብ ያፍናሉ፡፡ ይህ እየበረታ ሲሄድ ደግሞ የፈራው ህዝብ ድንገት ተነስቶ የተቃውሞ ድምፅ ሲያሰማ አሸማቃቂ ስያሜ ይሰጠዋል፡፡ ያኔ ህዝቡም ለጥያቄው ምላሽ እንደማያገኝ ሲገባው ወደ ህዝባዊ አመፅ መግባቱ ግድ ነው፡፡ ምክንያቱም የሰው ልጅ በተፈጥሮው ነፃነትን ይሻልና፡፡
ጨቋኞች ደግሞ በባህሪያቸው ሁልጊዜ ፈሪዎች ናቸው፤ ለዛም ነው ለህዝብ ድምፅ ጆሮአቸውን የማይሰጡት፡፡ ለዚህም እንደ ቱኒዚያ፣ ግብፅ፣ ሊቢያ፣ የመን እና ሶሪያን ማንሳት ይቻላል፡፡ ይሄ ደግሞ አሁን ባለንበት ሁኔታ በኢትዮጵያም መከሰቱ የማይቀር ይመስላል፡፡ ምክንያቱም የህዝብ ድምፅ ሊዘገይ ቢችልም ዋጋ አለው፡፡
በተለይ ባለፈው ሰኔ ወር በፈጣን የምጣኔ ሃብት ዕድገት ዓለምን እያስደመመች ያለችውን ለህዝቡም የዴሞክራሲ ስርዓትን በመዘርጋት እየታወቀች ያለችው ብራዚል መሪዎች ለህዝብ ድምፅ እንዴት ዋጋ እንደሚሰጡ ትልቅ ምሳሌ ናት፡፡ የሀገሪቱ የቀድሞ ፕሬዘዳንት የሀገራቸውንና የህዝባቸውን ጥቅም ለማንም አሳልፈው ያልሰጡት ሉላ ዳ ሲልቫ ብራዚልን በዓለም የምጣኔ ሀብት ከእንግሊዝ አስቀድመው ስድስተኛ ደረጃ ቢያደርሷትም አዲሷ መሪ ከህዝባዊ አመፅ ሊታደጓት አልቻሉም፡፡
አሁን በስልጣን ላይ ያለው የብራዚል መንግስት አስተዳደር በነዳጅ ዋጋ ላይ ድንገት የ 20 ሳንቲም የዋጋ ጭማሪ ሲያደርግ ሳይታሰብ የህዝቡ ለ ተቃውሞ ፈንቅሎ ይወጣል፡፡ ይሄኔ ፕሬዘዳንቷ በሀገሪቱ ቴሌቪዥን መስኮት ብቅ ብለው የህዝቡን ድምፅ መስማታቸው በማረጋገጥ የተደረገው ጭማሪ እንደተነሳ አስታወቁ፡፡ ህዝቡ ግን ድሮም በኑሮ ውድነቱ ሆድ ብሶታልና ያለውን ችግር በመጠቆም ሰልፉን በመላ ሀገሪቱ ከተሞች በስፋት አቀጣጠሉት፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ ፕሬዘዳንቷ ለተቃውሞ የወጡትን ሰዎች አመስግነው ህዝቡ ያነሳቸው ችግሮች በአፋጣኝ ምላሽ እንደሚሰጡ አስታወቁ፡፡ የፀጥታ ኃይሎችም ቢሆኑ ድንገት ፈንቅሎ የወጣውን ህዝብ ከመጠበቅ በስተቀር ዜጎቻቸው ላይ ጉዳት ለማድረስ አልሞከሩም፡፡
በኢትዮጵያም ሰኔ 1966 ዓ.ም. በነዳጅ ዋጋ ላይ በተደረገው የ5 ሳንቲም የዋጋ ጭማሪ ሰበብ ህዝቡ ለተቃውሞ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ቢወጣም ንጉሱ አጼ ኃ/ስላሴም የህዝቡን ድምፅ መስማታቸውን በማረጋገጥ የተደረገውን የዋጋ ጭማሪ አንሰተናል አሉ፡፡ ይሁን እንጂ በተለይ የአዲስ አበባ ህዝብ ከነዳጅ ጭማሪው በስተጀርባ የነበረው ጭቆና ስላለ የተቃውሞ ሰልፉን እንደማያቆሙ በማስታወቅ በወቅቱ እንደ መምህራን ማኀበር ያሉ ነፃ የሙያ ማኀበራትና መከላከያ ሰራዊት ከንጉሱ ይልቅ ከህዝቡ ጎን መቆማቸውን አረጋገጡ፡፡በወቅቱ ግን ንጉሱ ለተቃውሞ የወጣውን ህዝብ ጣያቄም ሆነ ድምፅ አላጣጣሉም ነበር፡፡ የዚህ እርሾ ንጉሱን መስከረም 2 ቀን 1967ዓ.ም. ከስልጣናቸው አወረዳቸው፡፡
በቅርቡ የመሐመድ ቡዓዚዝ እራሱን ማቃጠሉና አረቡ አብዮት መከሰቱን ተከትሎ የቱኒዚያ ህዝብ በቤን ዓሊ ላይ ተቃውሞ ሲያሰማ ፕሬዘዳንቱ ህዝቡን በክፉ ከመፈረጅ ይልቅ ከስልጣን ወርደው በሳውዲ ዓረቢያ ጥገኝነት ሊጠይቁ ችለዋል፡፡ ነገር ግን በግብፅ፣ በሊቢያ፣ በየመንና በሶሪያ መሪዎች ላይ ህዝቡ ተቃውሞ ሲያሰማ መሪዎቹ ከማጣጣላቸው በተጨማሪ ህዝቡን አሸባሪ፣ የአልቃይዳ ተላላኪ፣…እያሉ ይፈርጁ ነበር፡፡ በዚህ ወቅት ተቃውሞ ያቀረበውን ህዝብ አሸባሪ ካሉት መሪዎች መካከል የሶሪያው በሰር አላሳድ በጦራቸው ህዝብን ለመጨረስ ቢሞክሩም እሳቸው እስካሁን ሰላም አላገኙም፡፡ በአንፃሩ በአፍሪካ መሪዎች እጅግ የተፈሩና የተከበሩ የነበሩት የሊቢያው መሪ ሙዓሙር ጋዳፊ ከአማረው ቤተመንግስታቸው አምልጠው ለፍሳሽ ማስወገጃ በተውልድ አካባቢያቸው ቤንጋዚ ላይ ባሰሩት ቱቦ ተደብቀው ለማምለጥ ሲሞክሩ የውርደት ሞትን ተከናንበዋል፡፡
የግብፁ ሆስኒ ሙባረክ ደግሞ 1.2 ሚሊዮን ልዩ ደህንነት እንዳላቸው ቢታወቅም የህዝቢ ቁጣ ፈንቅሎ በመውጣቱና ለህዝብ ጥያቄ አዎንታዊ መልስ ከመስጠት ይልቅ ማስፈራራትና ዛቻ ቢፈፅሙም ከሞቀና ከተከበሩበት ቤተመንግስት በውርደት ተባረው ቆመው መሄድ እንኳ ሳይችሉ በህመምተኛ አልጋ ላይ ሆነው ለፍርድ መቅረባቸው የማይረሳ ነው፡፡ የየመኑም ቢሆኑ ከስልጣኔ አልወርድም ፣ ወይፍንልች እኔ አብደላ ሳላ ያሉት ፕሬዘዳንት የህዝቡን ድምፅ ከመስማትና በጎ ምላሽ ከመስጠት ይልቅ ፍረጃና ማስፈራራቱን ቢያያዙትም አልሆነላቸውም፡፡ በመጨረሻም ለተቃውሞ የወጣውን ህዝብ በድጋሚ ለማስፈራራትና ደጋፊዎቻቸውን ከጎን በማሰለፍ ህዝቡን ለስልጣናቸው ሲሉ ሊከፋፍሉ ሲሞክሩ በአደባባይ ንግግር ላይ ሳሉ የጥይት እሩመታ አስተናግደው ከሞት ቢተርፉም ሳይወዱ በግድ ስልጣን በቃኝ ብለው ከሀገራቸው ውጭ በስደት ጥገኝነት ለመኖር ተገደዋል፡፡
በዘመነ ኢህአዴግ በኢትዮጵያም የታመቀ ህዝባዊ ብሶት እንዳለ የኢንተርናሽናል ክራይስስ ግሩፕ ጥናት ያረጋገጠ ቢሆንም እውነትነት ስለመኖሩ ለኢትዮጵያውያን ነጋሪ አያሻም፡፡ በተለይ በኢትዮጵያ ያለው ችግር እስከዛሬ በሀገሪቱ ታይቶ የማይታወቀው የዘረኝነት ከፋፍለህ ግዛ የቅኝ አገዛዝ ስልት ከጥቂት ለስርዐሳቱ ከቀረቡ ቡድኖች በስተቀር ያለው የፖለቲካ፣ምጣኔ ሃብትና ማኀበራዊ ችግር እንዲሁ በቀላሉ የሚቀረፍ አይመስልም፡፡ በዚህም ምክንያት አብዛኛው ህዝብ መስርዓቱ ምንደኛ በሆኑ በመንደር ካድሬዎች የአፈና ቋፍ ውስጥ በመውደቅ በጓዳ ሲያጉረመርም ደፋሮች ደግሞ በአደባባይ ተቃውሟቸውን በአደባባይ ማሰማታቸው አልቀረም፡፡
መንበረ ስልጣኑን በህዝብ ተመርጬ ስልጣን ይዣለሁ የሚለው አካል በህዝብ ተመርጦ ዛሬም ድረስ ሀገርና ህዝብ ይጎዳሉ የሚሏቸው ተግባራት በገዥው ስርዓት ሲፈፀሙ ልክ እንደ ደቡብ አፍርካ አፓርታይድ ስርዓት አሊያም እንደነ ሆስኒ ሙባረክና ሙዓሙር ጋዳፊ አስተዳደር የሚቃወሟቸውን አሸባሪ ብሎ መፈረጅና ማሰር እንደ ፋሽን እየታየ ሲሆን ይህም በስልጣን ላይ ያለው አካል ህዝባዊ ይሁንታ አለኝ ብሎ ስልጣን የመያዝ ምንነት አልገባውም፣ አሊያም ለማወቅም የሚፈልግ አይመስልም፡፡ ምክንያቱም ህዝባዊ እውቅና ያለው ፤ ያውም በምርጫ ይሁንታ አግኝቻለሁ የሚል አካል በተለይም በዓለም ታሪክ ታይቶ በማይታወቅ 96.9 % የህዝብ ድምፅ አግኝቻለሁ የሚል እንዴት ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞ እንደሚፈራ ሲታሰብ እጅግ የሚደንቅ ተግባር ነውና፡፡
በእንዲህ ዓይነት ሁኔታም በርካቶች የዚህ ሰለባ የሆኑ ሲሆን አሁን አሁን ግን ሰው ከፍርሃት ወጥቶ ኢህአዴግን ደግፎ ካልሆነ ተቃውሞ ማሰማት ባልተፃፈ ህግ የተከለከለ ቢሆንም ህዝቡ ግን ተቃውሞ ለማሰማት የሚታገስ አይመስልም፡፡ ስለሆነም የራሱ አባላትን ጨምሮ ጥያቄ እንዲያነሱ የሚያደርጉ የፍትህ መጓደል፣ የኑሮ ውድነት፣ ስራ አጥነት፣ የዜጎች በግፍ መፈናቀል፣…ሰውን ሰላም የነሳው ይመስላል፡፡ በዚህም ምክንያት በመላ ሀገሪቱ በሚባል ደረጃ የታፈኑ ድምፆች በስፋት መስተጋባት ጀምረዋል፡፡
በተለይ በቅርቡ በግንቦት 2005 ዓ.ም. ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ በአዲሳ አበባ የተቃውሞ ሰላማዊ ማድረጉ፣ አንድነት ፓርቲ ደግሞ በያዝነው ሐምሌ 2005 ዓ.ም. በጎንደርና በደሴ ያደረገው ህዝባዊ የተቃውሞ ሰላማዊ ሰልፎች ከአፈናው አንፃር ሲታይ መቆሚያ ያለው አይመስልም፡፡ በተለይ በሰልፎቹ ላይ ፓርቲዎቹ ካዘጋጁት መፈክር በተጨማሪ በሀገራችን ሰላም አጣን፣ፍትህ አጣን፣…የሚሉ ድምፆች መበራከት የነገውን ቀን ለመተንበይ አስቸጋሪ አያደርገውም፡፡
በስልጣን ላይ ያለው የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት በበኩሉ እነኙህ ድምፆች እንዳይሰሙ የመንደር ካድሬዎች በየቤቱ እየሄዱ ሰው ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ እንዳይወጣ እንዲያስፈራሩ መደረጉን ከደሴና ከጎንደር ነዋሪዎች በስፋት የተሰማ ሲሆን ህዝቡን ለተቃውሞ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ከመውጣት ያገደው ግን አልነበረም፤ ያውም በደሴ ወደ 50 ሺህ በጎንደር ደግሞ ወደ 40ሺህ ሰው፡፡ አሁን ባለው ሁኔታም መንግስት የህዝቡን ድምፅ ከመስማትና ከማሳዳመጥ ይልቅ ለሰልፉ የወጡትን ሰዎች የሙስሊም አክራሪዎች ናቸው፣ በሰልፉ የወጣው ህዝብ ትንሽ ነው እያለ ለማጣጣል መሞከሩ አሁንም ለህዝብ ያለውን አመለካከትና አምባገነኖች መውደቂያቸው ሲደርስ የሚፈፅሙትን ቅደም ተከተል ተግባር ከማንፀባረቅ ይልቅ የሚፈይደው አንዳች ነገር የለም፡፡ ይህ አካሄድ ለነ ሙባረክና ለነ ጋዳፊም አልሰራምና፡፡
በተለይ አንድነት ፓርቲ አሁን በያዘው አቋም እና እቅድ የሚቀጥል ከሆነ ሀገር አቀፍ ህዝባዊ ንቅናቄ መጀመሩና ሰማያዊ ፓርቲም በነሐሴ ወር ህዝባዊ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ መጥራቱ በቅርቡ ከወጣው ህዝብ በብዙ ሺህ እጥፍ ሊወጣ እንደሚችል ይገመታል፡፡ ለዚህ ዋነኛ ምክንያት ደግሞ መንግስት የህዝቡን የተቃውሞ ድምፅና ጥያቄ ከመስማትና እርምት ለመውሰድ ከመሞከር ይልቅ ለማጣጣል መሞከሩ ህዝቡን የበለጠ ለተቃውሞ እንዲነሳሳ ማድረጉ አይቀሬ ነው፡፡ ምናልባት መንግስት ከዚህ በኋላ እንደባለፉት 8 ዓመታት ለተቃውሞ ህዝባዊ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ለመውጣት እውቅና አልሰጥም ቢል እንኳ የፖለቲካ ቁርጠኝነት ያላቸው ፓርቲዎች የመሪነት ሚናቸውን መወጣት ከቻሉ ህዝቡን ከመውጣት የሚያግደው አይኖርም፡፡ ምክንያቱም የታፈኑ ድምፆች እያየሉ ሲሄዱ በድንገት አንድ ቀን መፈንዳታቸው አይቀርምና፡፡
አንድነት ፓርቲ ሐምሌ 7 ቀን 2005ዓ.ም. እንዳካሄደው የተቃውሞ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ከሆነ መንግስት የፀጥታ ኃይሎች በህዝቡ ላይ እርምጃ እንዲወስዱ ቢያዝ እንኳ የፀጥታ ኃይሉ እሱም የማኀበረሰቡ አካል በመሆኑ በመጨረሻ ህዝባዊ ወገንተኝነት ማሳየቱ የማይቀር ነው፡፡ ስለዚህ የህዝብን የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ እና አቤቱታ ማጣጣል ከጥቅሙ ይልቅ ጉዳቱ እጅግ ማመዘኑ የማይቀር ስለመሆኑ በያዝነው ዓመት የምናየው እውነታ ሊሆን እንደሚችል ይጠበቃል፡፡
ከ1997ዓ.ም. ምርጫን ተከትሎ ኢህአዴግ ከወሰዳቸው የጭካኔ እርምጃ በኋላ ሰው በመኝታውና በጓደው ካልሆነ በቀር የተቃውሞ ድምፅ ማሰማት ይፈራ የነበረ ሁላ አሁን አሁን ግን በተለያየ የትራንስፖርት መስክ (በየታክሲ፣ አውቶቡስ ውስጥ፣…)፣ በየንግድ ተቋማትና በየቢሮ የቅሬታ ድምፆች በድፍረት መደመጥ ጀምረዋል፡፡ ይሄ ደግሞ የታፈኑ ድምፆች ቀስበቀስ መውጣታቸው ይበል የሚያሰኝ ሲሆን በዚህም የመንግስት ግትር አቋም የሚቀጥል ከሆነ ባልታሰበ ሰዓት አንድ የለውጥ ክስተት መፈጠሩ የማይቀር ነው፡፡ ምክንያቱም የሰው ልጅ በባህሪው እንደተጨቆነ እና እንደታፈነ ዘለዓለም የሚኖርበት የህይወት ሂደት የለውምና፡፡
Sinai Desert: A Brutal Prison and Grave for Thousands of Ethiopian, Somali, and Eritrean Refugees
By Betre Yacob
“We were 16 people. Once we first arrived inside the house, we were asked for money. One guy said straight away that he won’t be able to pay. They [the captors] wanted to make him an example; so they undressed him in front of us and started beating and poking him with big wooden sticks. They then inserted a stick into his… He was bleeding all over. After more beatings, they poured petrol on him and set him on fire. After he died, they left his body in the room with us until it became rotten and worms started crawling. They forced all of us in turns to hold him.”
This story may seem to be taken from a Hollywood horror movie as it is so horrific. But, unfortunately, it is a true story. It is what an Eritrean survivor, held captive in Sinai for eight months after being kidnapped from Eastern Sudan, said recently while describing his ordeal to Amnesty International.
Kidnapped mostly from Eastern Sudan, many Ethiopian, Somali, and Eritrean refugees are held captive in Sinai Desert by Bedouin criminal gangs [people-traffickers] with the objective to obtain tens of thousands of dollars in ransom money in exchange for their release. During their captivity, they are subjected to several acts of extreme violence and brutality, including rape of men and women and other forms of sexual violence. Some of those who are unable to pay a ransom are simply killed like what we have seen here above in the story; some others are murdered to demonstrate to the families of other captives the seriousness of the threats. Many die as a result of routine torture.
Lamlam, 17, is another survivor. She experienced extremely brutal abuses. She says that everything was a nightmare more than one can imagine. “The kidnappers would make me lie on my back and then they would get me to ring my family to ask them to pay the ransom they wanted,” she says. “As soon as one of my parents answered the phone, the men would melt flaming plastic over my back and inner thighs and I would scream and scream in pain. This, they hoped, would put extra pressure on my mother and father to find the money.”
The New York Times estimates that 7,000 Ethiopian, Somali, and Eritrean refugees have been abused this way over the last four years, and that 4,000 of them have died. The victims include men, women, children, and even accompanying infants. The majorities of them are also estimated to be aged between 15—25. However, some NGOs and international organizations place the number of the victims far higher. According to different human rights organizations, this new form of brutal ‘business’ has been escalating, as the impunity guaranteed to the criminals continues. Reports indicate that there have been no prosecutions of criminals responsible for the abuses so far.
Different testimonies and reports shows that the methods of tortures that are often used to increase the urgency of captives’ pleas to relatives to pay the money to secure their release are extremely brutal and often lead to a wish to die. These include electrocution; pouring gasoline over the body and setting it on fire; burning with cigarette butts or heated rubber and metal objects; water-drowning; amputation of limbs; beatings with objects such as metal chains, sticks and whips; suspension from the ceiling and suspension in contorted positions for prolonged periods of time; hanging by hair; and forcing to stand for extended periods of time in desert heat. According to testimonies, captives often face a combination of these all methods.
In its latest report Amnesty International said that victims have also reported having fingernails pulled out. The group further said: “Many have also reportedly been deprived of food, water, medical treatment and showers for prolonged periods. Many former captives also reported being chained throughout the duration of their captivity, often to other captives.” A research conducted by Tilburg University and Europe External Policy Advisors shows that women are tortured while pregnant – and their pregnancies are often the result of the rapes they suffer. If they find themselves pregnant, women hostages are told that the ransom will double once their baby is born. Many hostages succumb to the torture. This torture can be functional as it takes place to extort the ransom from relatives, but it can also be gratuitous.
Different reports indicate that ransoms are often paid despite the amounts demanded by the criminals are very excessive—often from USD 30,000 —50,000. Relatives sell their possessions such as houses and lands, to get the money demanded and free the hostages suffering from extreme acts of brutality; many borrow while some go from church to church begging people to contribute. Some hostages are, however, killed even after their ransom has been paid after many up and down.
Kidnapping in Eastern Sudan,
Many Ethiopian, Somali, and Eritrean, who left their repressive and impoverished countries in search of a better security and life, get kidnapped and become hostage every single day. The significant majority of the victims are, however, Eritrean. Different researches indicate Eritrean refugees are often kidnapped on their way to refuge camps in East Sudan, where asylum-seekers undergo a refugee status determination procedure and are issued with documentation. There are, however, significant reports of kidnapping from inside refuge camps, particularly from Shagarab. There are also some incidents from Mai Aini camp in Ethiopia.
The kidnappings are mainly carried out by Sudanese criminal networks made up of local tribesmen with the support of different individuals— often Eritreans. There are also allegations of the involvement of members of the Sudanese security forces and corrupted Eritrean military officials working around Eritrea-Sudan border. According to testimonies, once the Eritreans refugees are kidnapped, they are soon sold to the major criminal gangs known as Rashaida in East Sudan. They are then forcibly transported to Sinai in harrowing journeys that last for several weeks, and sold to Bedouin criminal networks that held them hostage and torture them to extract ransom payments from their families. Reports indicate that during the journey to Sinai refugees are subjected to violence, including beatings and rape, and cruel treatment, including deprivation of food and water.
Eritrea
2013 UNHCR regional operations profile – East and Horn of Africa
Working environment
As in previous years, in 2012 the East and Horn of Africa region continued to draw the attention of the world for the scope and magnitude of the humanitarian challenges facing it. There are more than 7.3 million people of concern to UNHCR in the East and Horn, with assessed needs for 2013 amounting to more than USD 1 billion. The biggest operation in the region remained the response to the Somali emergency, followed closely by the Sudanese refugee situation.
Throughout 2012 the East and the Horn saw armed conflict in Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The incursion into Somalia by Kenyan forces to bolster the activities of the already present African Union forces (AMISOM) was a significant event during the year.
The security situation in Dadaab, Kenya which hosts more than half a million Somali refugees, took a serious turn for the worse at the beginning of the year. Humanitarian workers were taken hostage and reportedly taken across the border to Somalia. Roadside bombs and improvised explosive devices frequently targeted the Kenyan personnel responsible for camp security, resulting in a number of deaths and injuries among both police officers and refugees.
The creation of South Sudan last year has not ended the conflict between the two Sudans, with clashes largely driven by issues left unresolved in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the two countries. Among the contentious issues were the sharing of resources and the presence of proxy militias on both sides of the border. The conflict drove refugees into Ethiopia and South Sudan. Particularly in South Sudan, refugees moved into areas which lacked basic infrastructure or host communities and were largely inaccessible during the rainy season, raising huge challenges in providing protection and humanitarian assistance. Many refugees had experienced crop failure in Sudan before seeking refuge. Isolated, refugees had to depend mostly on themselves as well as the assistance they received from the humanitarian community. The confluence of all these factors has resulted in many refugee children and other vulnerable groups being malnourished, and many have died.
Humanitarian access in Sudan, particularly in the contested regions of South Kordofan and Blue Nile, has become increasingly limited. A tripartite agreement to allow humanitarian assistance into these regions was signed in August, but it remains to be seen how this will alleviate the situation. In Darfur, clashes between rebels and the Sudanese Government continue to cause more displacement. Clashes between government forces and a new rebel group known as M23 in the eastern DRC have forced more than 41,000 refugees to seek protection in Uganda. Many of them have been moved away from the transit centre at Nyakabande to settlements, including the Rwamwanja site, which is being rehabilitated. Some have chosen to monitor the situation back home from the transit centre, while a small number have returned home.
Strategy in 2013
UNHCR is maintaining and strengthening its emergency response capability throughout the region to ensure that arriving refugees receive robust protection and assistance. The strategy requires enhanced coordination with other core humanitarian actors such as WFP, UNICEF, donors and NGOs, a well maintained regional stockpile, and careful management of standing arrangements with partners for the rapid deployment of assistance and personnel.
Among UNHCR’s top priorities is ensuring adequate assistance in life-saving sectors such as water, shelter, health, sanitation and core relief items. Unfortunately, needs in many other important areas, such as livelihoods, support for host communities, alternative energy and education, have been impossible to fill or insufficiently addressed due to funding constraints.
In 2013, logistics and supply management will be of critical importance to the programmes in South Sudan and Ethiopia due to the remoteness of the areas hosting refugees, the absence of basic infrastructure and ongoing insecurity. UNHCR has already had to invest heavily in infrastructure, such as road construction and maintenance, in South Sudan.
While the number of new arrivals from Sudan has dropped because of the rains, it is expected that more will come after the rainy season ends at the close of the year. Air and ground attacks in Sudan’s Southern Kordofan State in September drove a new influx of about 100 refugees a day into South Sudan, where UNHCR and its partners will ensure enough food is available.
A smaller number of arrivals is expected in western Ethiopia, where UNHCR will continue to transfer refugees away from transit sites and improve facilities and services in new settlements.
Some 170,000 Somali refugees have sought protection and assistance in the Dollo Ado region of Ethiopia, overwhelming the local population of 130,000 people. The refugees are currently hosted in five camps, with a sixth to be opened to accommodate those currently in transit centres and decongest some of the existing camps. It is likely that more Somalis will arrive, especially as military action inside Somalia continues. The aim is to have robust livelihood interventions to reduce refugees’ dependence on humanitarian aid. Innovative projects in sectors such as livelihoods, agriculture and alternative energy will also be implemented.
Uganda continues to receive Congolese refugees as a result of the ongoing conflict in the eastern DRC. While regional initiatives to end the conflict have not borne fruit, the number of arrivals has gone down and a few refugees from the transit sites have returned home. For those remaining, UNHCR will continue to improve key life-sustaining sectors such as shelter, health, water and sanitation.
Floods in 2012 have greatly affected most of the camps hosting refugees from the Central African Republic (CAR) in Chad. UNHCR will repair and reinforce structures affected by the rains. A new, small influx of CAR refugees in July and August was assisted within the existing operation. UNHCR will continue to monitor conditions in the CAR and prepare for a possible larger influx.
Constraints
As in previous years, many of the political, economic and social issues fuelling conflicts in the East and Horn region remained unresolved, resulting in continued displacement. The Sudan situation, which is still unfolding, has drawn heavily on UNHCR’s emergency preparedness and response capacity.
Security for refugees as well as logistical problems in South Sudan and Ethiopia continue to be of great concern. Secure access to populations of concern is another factor that has affected the humanitarian community. In Kenya, a new dimension in providing humanitarian safety and security emerged in early 2012 with the kidnapping of humanitarian workers in Dadaab, some of whom are still in captivity, and the use of improvised explosive devices. These dangers curtailed protection and assistance activities. UNHCR is now working with the Kenyan authorities under the aegis of the Security Partnership Project to restore the humanitarian character of the camps.
In Sudan, the lack of access to contested areas in Darfur has impaired UNHCR’s capacity to provide protection and assistance. Likewise, in South Kordofan, it has been difficult if not impossible to ascertain the situation of an estimated 300,000 IDPs in the region.
In Unity State in South Sudan, where some 64,000 people have sought refuge, there are challenges in maintaining the humanitarian character of Yida camp. Efforts to convince refugees to move away from the border will continue in 2013.
The lack of access in Somalia, where fighting continued to cause untold suffering, is expected to remain a serious constraint in 2013.
In Uganda and Ethiopia, the shortage of funding for assistance to refugee-hosting communities and the rise in the number of new arrivals have undermined local community support and threatened the protection environment. As in previous years, refugees in urban centres in Uganda and Kenya may not receive meaningful assistance due to funding constraints.
Operations
The operations in Chad, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, South Sudan, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda are described in separate chapters.
People of concern to UNHCR in Eritrea are mainly Somali, Sudanese and Ethiopian asylum-seekers and refugees. The Government of Eritrea recognizes Somali and Sudanese refugees on a prima facie basis. Somali and Sudanese refugees are camp-based and reside in Emkulu and Elit camps. Ethiopian refugees, recognized under UNHCR’s mandate, reside mainly in the Eritrean capital, Asmara.
Ongoing international and regional efforts to bring stability to Somalia improved substantially with the inauguration of a president and prime minister in in 2012, as well as the fall of the port town of Kismayo, the last Al Shabaab stronghold. There is a growing sense that the situation in Somalia could gradually evolve into something more peaceful. Against this backdrop, there have been calls to re-examine the basic planning parameters for the Somali refugee operations, with a view to conditions improving in future and thereby allowing for safe and dignified voluntary returns. UNHCR stands ready to facilitate such a process.
The Regional Support Hub
As in previous years, the Regional Support Hub (RSH) will provide operational support and technical advice to countries in the East and Horn of Africa as well as to operations in the Central Africa and the Great Lakes region. A total of 23 specialists and many deployees from NGO partners provide support through the RSH supplementing sectoral gaps and capacity constraints in operations in the region. The RSH was instrumental in early 2012 in helping to devise an Operations Continuity Plan, following security incidences in Dadaab, Kenya. The framework helped to keep the humanitarian work functioning in the face of serious security threats.
The Regional Liaison Office to the African Union and the UN Economic Commission for Africa
This Regional Liaison Office is attached to the African Union and plays a significant role in ensuring that continent-wide issues that affect populations of concern to UNHCR are taken into account in the deliberations and resolutions of the African Union. Progress has been made with regard to ensuring that African governments ratify the AU Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally Displaced Persons in Africa and that its various provisions are transposed into national law. These efforts will continue in 2013.
Financial information
UNHCR operations in the subregion have seen a significant increase in their financial requirements over the last five years, mainly due to a rise in the number of emergency refugee situations, including the Somali influx and the surge in the number of Sudanese crossing into Ethiopia and South Sudan. UNHCR’s budgetary requirements to protect and assist people of concern in the East and Horn of Africa region in 2013 will amounted to about USD 1.13 billion.
ሰበር ዜና አሁድ የሚደረገውን ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ አስመልክቶ የቀበሌ ሰራተኞች በየቤቱ እየቀሰቀሱ መሆኑ ተገለፀ
Bisrat Woldemichael
አንድነት ፓርቲ በጠራው ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ የከተማው መስተዳደሮችና የፀጥታ ኃይሎች ፓርቲው ህጋዊ የማሳወቅ ስራውን መስራቱን ገልፀው ሰልፉን መከልከል እንደማይችሉ ካረጋገጡ በኋላ በከተማው ያሉ የቀበሌ ሰራተኞች መደበኛ ስራቸውን ጥለው በሰላማዊ ሰልፉ ዙሪያ በየቤቱ እየዞሩ ማስፈራራትና ሰላማዊ ሰልፉ ላይ ማንም እንዳይገኝ፣ ሰልፉ ህገወጥ ነው በሚል ቅስቀሳ እየሰሩ መሆናቸውን ማረጋገጥ ችያለሁ፡፡ ነዋሪው በበኩሉ የፓርቲው ጥያቄ የእኛም ጥያቄ ስለሆነ በሰልፉ ላይ እንገኛለን፣ ፓርቲው የሚያካሂደው ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ህገወጥ ከሆነ እነሱን (ፓርቲውንና ቅስቀሳ የሚሰሩትን ) ለምን አታግዷቸውም የሚል ጥያቄ ሲያነሱባቸው፤ ለቅስቀሳው የተሰማሩት የቀበሌ ሰራተኞች እምቢ ብለው የሚወጡ ካሉ እስራት ይጠብቃቸዋል፤ በሚደርስባቸው ችግር ኃላፊነቱን አንወስድም ሲሉ ማስፈራሪያና ዛቻ መፈፀማቸው ተጠቁሟል፡፡
የደቡብ ወሎ ዞን የአንድነት ፓርቲ ሰብሳቢ አቶ ብስራት አቢ ቅስቀሳ በማድረግና በራሪ ወረቀት ሲበትኑ መጀመሪያ የደሴ ከተማ 4ኛ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ ያለምንም ምክንያት አስሯቸው የጣቢያው አዘዦች ከሰዓታት በኋላ ሲለቋቸው 2ኛ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ በድጋሚ ምክንያቱን ሳይገልፅላቸው ለአንድ ሰዓት አስሮ እንደለቀቃቸው ተናግረዋል፡፡ አቶ ብስራት አሁንም ድረስ መስተዳደሩ ከፈቀደ በኋላ በጎን ህገወጥ ስራ መስራቱ እንዳሳዘናቸውና ሰላማዊ ሰልፉ ህገወጥ ነው ካለም ደብዳቤ መፃፍና እንዲቀር ማድረግ ሲችሉ ከላይ ፈቅደው እታች ላሉት መመሪያ አላስተላለፉም፤ ይሁን እንጂ ሰላማዊ ሰልፉ ህጋዊና ሰላማዊ ስለሆነ እንቀጥልበታለን፣ ህገወጥ ናችሁ የሚል አካል ካለ ሰልፉን ለማድረግ የሚያስችል ህጋዊ ሰነድ የያዙ መሆናቸውን በመግለፅ አሁንም ቅስቀሳ ላይ እንደሆኑ ማረጋገጥ ችያለሁ፡፡ የከተማው ፅጥታ ዘርፍ ኃላፊ አቶ ሙሉጌታ በላይ በበኩላቸው እኛ ሰልፉን ለማደናቀፍ ያሰርነው የለም፣ እኔ አሁን ከከተማ ውጭ ስለሆንኩ አረጋግጬ እነግርሃለው፤ የእውነት የታሰረ ካለም አንተም አረጋግጥ ቢሉኝም ዳግም ላገኛቸው አልቻልኩም፡፡
የከተማው ከንቲባ አቶ አለባቸው የሱፍን በጉዳዩ ዙሪያ ትናንት ሐምሌ 3 ቀን 2005ዓ.ም. ሳናግራቸው ምንም የሚፈጠር ችግር እንደሌለና ከፓርቲው አመራሮች ጋርም ለመመካከርና ለመወያየት ቀጠሮ ይዘናል፣ ፓርቲው ህጋዊ በሆነ መንገድ አሳውቆናል፣ መከልከልም ሆነ ማገድ አንችልም፤ ነገር ግን በፀጥታው ጉዳይ ለመነጋገር ነው ያሰብነው ሲሉ ነግረውኝ ነበር፡፡ ዛሬ በቀበሌ ሰራተኞችና በየቀጠናው ባሉ ፖሊሶች እየተደረገ ስላለው ምላሽ እንዲሰጡኝ ወደ ቢሮአቸው ባቀናም ከቢሮ ውጭ ስብሰባ ላይ መሆናቸው ስለተነገረኝ ከሰዓት በኋላ በተንቀሳቃሽ ስልካቸው ብደውልም ሊያነሱልኝ አልቻሉም፤ስለዚህ ምላሻቸውን ማካተት አልቻልኩም፡፡
ይህ በእንዲህ እንዳለ የአንድነት ፓርቲ ከፍተኛ አመራሮች መካከል የመጨረሻው ዙር ከአዲስ አበባ አቶ ግርማ ሰይፉ(ብቸኛው የተፎከካሪ ፓርቲ የፓርላማ አባል)፣ አቶ በላይ ፈቃዱን ጨምሮ ሌሎች አመራሮች ለእሁዱ ሐምሌ 7 ቀን 2005ዓ.ም. ሰላማዊ ሰልፉ ዛሬ ደሴ ከተማ ገብተዋል፡፡ ከዚህ በተጨማሪ ከሼህ ኑሩ ይማም መገደል ጋር በተያያዘ በርካት ወጣቶች አሁንም እየታሰሩ መሆኑን 4ኛ ፖሊስ ጣቢያ የተመለከትኩ ሲሆን ይህ በሌሎችም ጣቢያዎች እየተከናወነ መሆኑም በከተማው ያነጋገርኳቸው ነዋሪዎች አረጋግጠውልኛል፡፡
Ethiopia’s Human Rights Crisis Worsened
By Betre Yacob.
The human rights situation in Ethiopia, the most important strategic and security ally of the Western powers, has worsened drastically, according to the 2013 Human Rights Watch’s World Report, which summarizes the human rights situation of more than 90 countries worldwide—drawing on events from the end of 2011 through November 2012.
The 665 page report says that Ethiopia’s dictatorial regime has deliberately continued to severely restrict fundamental rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly. In addition, the report indicates that intimidation, arbitrary arrest, torture, forced displacement, and killing remain routine throughout the country.
The report, which reflects extensive investigative work that Human Rights Watch undertook in collaboration with local human rights activists, was released in the beginning of February 2013. Providing heartbreaking examples, cases, and photographs, the report explains enough how dramatically the human rights crisis in Ethiopia has been worsening.
“Freedom of Expression, Association, and Assembly”
According to the report, the Anti-Terrorism Law and the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO Law), which criminalize independent reporting on opposition and human rights activities, have severely restricted freedom of expression, assembly, and association in Ethiopia. The report says that as a result of these two draconian laws—independent journalists, opposition politicians, human rights activists have been subjected to persistent harassment, threats, intimidation and persecution by the government authorities.
The report explains: “Ethiopia’s most important human rights groups have been compelled to dramatically scale-down operations or remove human rights activities from their man-dates, and an unknown number of organizations have closed entirely. Several of the country’s most experienced and reputable human rights activists have fled the country due to threats.”
Mentioning the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), the report says that Ethiopia has now become a very dangerous country for independent journalists. This is why, the report says, “more journalists have fled Ethiopia than any other country in the world due to threats and intimidation in the last decade.”
The report, which says the Anti-Terrorism Law is misused by the government to silence opponents and repress dissent, states that only in 2012 30 journalists, political activists, and opposition party members were convicted miserably on unclear terrorism offenses under the Law. According to the report, 11 journalists in total have been convicted under the same law— since 2011.
The report explains: “On January 26, 2012, a court in Addis Ababa sentenced both deputy editor Woubshet Taye and columnist Reeyot Alemu of the now-defunct weekly Awramaba Times to 14 years in prison. On July 13, veteran journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega, who won the prestigious PEN America Freedom to Write Award in April, was sentenced to 18 years in prison along with other journalists, opposition party members, and political activists. Exiled journalists Abiye Teklemariam and Mesfin Negash were sentenced to eight years each in absentia under a provision of the Anti-Terrorism Law that has so far only been used against journalists.”
It further says: “On July 20, after the government claimed that reports by the newspaper Feteh on Muslim protests and the prime minister’s health would endanger national security, it seized the entire print run of the paper. On August 24, Feteh’s editor, Temesghen Desalegn was arrested and denied bail. He was released on August 28, and all the charges were withdrawn pending further investigation.”
The report also reveals that the government of Ethiopia is committing human rights violations in response to the ongoing Muslim protest movement in the country. It says federal police use excessive force, including beatings, to disperse peaceful protesters.
With regard to this, the report, for instance, says: “On July 13, police forcibly entered the Awalia Mosque in Addis Ababa, smashing windows and firing tear gas inside the mosque. On July 21, they forcibly broke up a sit-in at the mosque. From July 19 to 21, dozens of people were rounded up and 17 prominent leaders were held without charge for over a week. Many of the detainees complained of mistreatment in detention.”
“Extrajudicial Executions, Torture and other Abuses in Detention”
The 665 page report says that there have been so far widespread extrajudicial executions, torture and other brutal abuses in different detention centers and military barracks of the tyrannical regime in Ethiopia. It notes that Human Rights Watch has continued to document such executions and abuses.
The report explains: “An Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force known as the “Liyu Police”, for instance, executed at least 10 men who were in their custody and killed 9 other villagers in Somali Region on March 16 and 17 in Raqda village, Gashaamo district.”
It further says: “In April, unknown gunmen attacked a commercial farm owned by the Saudi Star company in Gambella that was close to areas that had suffered a high proportion of abuses during the villagization process. In responding to the attack, Ethiopian soldiers went house to house looking for suspected perpetrators and threatening villagers to disclose the whereabouts of the ‘rebels’. The military arbitrarily arrested many young men and committed torture, rape, and other abuses against scores of villagers while attempting to extract information.”
Additionally, the report states that there is what it says “erratic access” to legal counsel and insufficient respect for other due process during custody, pre-trial detention, and even during trial phases, when the cases are politically related. “This places detainees at risk of abuse”, the report says.
“Forced Displacement”
The report notes that although the government maintain that “villagization” is a voluntary program designed to improve access to basic services by bringing scattered people all together in new villages, the reality is that the program is involuntary and mainly designed to make way for huge agriculture investments.
The report explains: “In Gambella and in the South Omo Valley, forced displacement is taking place without adequate consultation and compensation. In Gambella, Human Rights Watch found that relocations were often forced and that villagers were being moved from fertile to unfertile areas. People sent to the new villages frequently have to clear the land and build their own huts under military supervision, while the promised services (schools, clinics, water pumps) often have not been put in place.”
According to the report, indigenous peoples, amount about 200,000, are being relocated in South Omo and their land expropriated to make way for sugar plantations. It says: “Residents reported being moved by force, seeing their grazing lands flooded or ploughed up, and their access to the Omo River, essential for their survival and way of life, curtailed.”
“Key International Actors”
The report, which finally examines the response of international actors to the human rights crisis in Ethiopia, strongly criticizes donors. It says that donor countries and development agencies are failed to take into account the deteriorating human right situation and the brutality of the regime, and act responsibly.
The report explains: “The World Bank, for instance, approved a new Country Partnership Strategy in September that takes little account of the human rights or good governance principles that it and other development agencies say are essential for sustainable development. It also approved a third phase of the Protection of Basic Services program (PBS III) without triggering safeguards on involuntary resettlement and indigenous peoples.”
Dagumedia 